Words are funny things.
Their meaning, the pictures they paint in the minds of those that hear them: they’re not always the same and to me at least, that makes them meaningless.
Take for instance the phrase ‘black widow’. Those words conjure the image of a spider, an eight-legged creature with the red imprint of an hourglass on its abdomen.
However, instead of speaking of an arachnid, of the resident of a spindly and dew-laden web, the people who whisper those words are talking about something much different.
They’re talking about me.
From what I’m told, I’m called the Black Widow because no man I’ve ever loved has survived.
Yet, I have no memory of any of it.
My new home leads me to the definition of another vague and meaningless word.
It’s a place where I’m supposed to seek refuge.
A place of retreat and security.
It’s a place where I’m supposed to be kept safe because I’m sick.
But the definition for this place is wrong and the word becomes meaningless when you’re tucked away and made silent by drugs and pretty white jackets.
My name is Alexandra Sutton and this is the story of what happened when I was imprisoned inside an Asylum.

I couldn’t contain my anger. “I didn’t kill anybody! I don’t even know who those men are…”
“Do not raise your voice with me, Ms. Sutton. I’ve allowed your quirks in behavior thus far, but I’m growing tired of your insubordination. While under my care you will learn to control your outbursts or else you will be restrained both physically and chemically, if necessary.”
“Through drugs, you mean. You’ll dope me up to a point where I can’t fight back.”
“If that’s what I must do. Like I’ve said, I don’t prefer that type of restraint, but in certain cases, it can’t be avoided.”
Standing from his chair, he rounded the desk to stand in front of me. I craned my neck to look up at him, my muscles tightening painfully with anger and the refusal to believe that I’d done any of the things of which I’d been accused. It wasn’t until he was close enough to touch me that the notes of his cologne wafted beneath my nose – something haunting and exotic, masculine and earthy. I shivered at the smell, looking away from him and grasping my hands together in my lap to the point where my short fingernails dug into my skin.
“Look at me, Ms. Sutton.”
I did as I was told because there was no point in fighting back. A slow roll of recognition penetrated my thoughts, the abysmal circumstances of this place, the futility and harrowing truth that I was under their control. Any hint of rebellion and I would be dosed into compliance, drooling on myself while nodding my approval of whatever horrible thing they had planned.
They stripped you of your strength, your voice, your entire being, and replaced it with the structure implicit to an institution for the insane.
“You are my patient and as such, you are under my control and also my protection. I will not hurt you in any way. My only job is to help you. However, any rebellion on your part will be met with equal force. Do you understand?”
“Yes sir.” I spit out the words, angry that I was answering to a man I didn’t even know.
“That’s a good girl.”
It’s no secret that I adore this author and her wickedly erotic, mindblowingly dark, and downright fascinating stories that keep me on my toes and leave me reeling with twist after turn. It never ceases to amaze me the things Lily White can come up with and the originality behind her stories is the main driving force of why her books are such a smashing success. Asylum in particular stood out to me as most, if not all, of the story would be taking place within a mental institution and with an alleged murderer as a heroine and an enigmatic doctor as the ‘hero,’ things were bound to get interesting. And while I was truly entertained by the psychotic events as well as the diverse cast of characters, I was also left somewhat underwhelmed.
Dubbed the ‘Black Widow,’ Alexandra Sutton is quarantined in a well-known mental institution for further evaluation after being considered as the prime suspect of a murder. A murder she doesn’t remember. In fact, certain key and traumatic events in her life she has absolutely no memory of. Sometimes she’s grounded in reality; sometimes she floats off in an illusion. The only thing she’s certain of is that she did not commit the murder she was accused of, but with no one who believes her, Alex is well and truly stuck in the asylum, surrounded by white jackets, white walls and quieted by the drugs running in her veins.
Dr. Jeremy Hutchins is Alex’s newly assigned psychiatrist. Not much is known about him or his background but he seems to be dedicated in solving her case. Though it’s not instant, there is an underlying attraction between the two that’s only enhanced as the story goes on because of the taboo nature of their doctor/patient relationship. For once, Alex feels safe and like she can breathe whenever she’s close to Jeremy. And the opposite is true for Jeremy: he’s not repulsed by her mental instability or the crimes she may or may not have committed.
The premise of this story is an intriguing, original, and compelling one and overall I did like it. However, (and this is a personal preference of mine) when stories take liberties with any psychological issues, I usually cannot fully enjoy the book. I appreciate the author warning that liberties were taken with illness treatments and completely understand that a story is fictional and is for entertainment purposes only, but it’s just not something I can get accustomed to while reading and will always hinder my enjoyment of the book. Plus, there were so many mind games, crazy characters, and even crazier events going on I think I was just overwhelmed by it all instead of being blown away over any one revelation.
I’ve come to the conclusion that I have just been spoiled by all the usually amazing books Lily White puts out which is why I have such high expectations for each one. Regardless of my underwhelmed response to this book, it’s still a very well-written, well-researched, but batshit crazy story that you MUST be in the mood for.
Asylum is a dark erotic standalone with mystery and thriller elements. It is not related to any other books from the author.
Rating: 3.5 stars!
Lily White is a dark writer who likes to dabble on the taboo side of eroticism. Most of the time she can be found wandering around aimlessly while her mind is stuck in some twisted power play between two characters in her head. You may recognize her in public by the confused expression, random mumbling, and occasional giggle while thinking up a scene. Lily’s favorite things in life are reading, thinking about reading, buying books for reading….and writing. Her other secret pleasure is meeting with her plot editor in public to discuss her books and watching the shocked expressions of the people around her that don’t realize she’s talking about a book. When Lily is not reading, writing, wandering or freaking out innocent bystanders, she’s sleeping.

IPEG Papers in International Political Economy (PIPEline)

IPEG Papers in International Political Economy (PIPEline) is the official working paper series of the International Political Economy Group (IPEG) of the British International Studies Association (BISA). The working paper series is intended to provide a forum for debate and discussion in global political economy, broadly and inclusively understood. We welcome submissions from scholars working across disciplines who self-identify their work as operating within the global political economy tradition.

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If you are interested in submitting a paper to the Series, please contact the Series Editor Matthew Eagleton-Pierce ( or the general convenors.


Jeffrey Henderson and Nicholas Jepson, ‘Critical transformations and Global Development: An Agenda for Renewal’

2013 and earlier

Matthew Eagleton-Pierce, On the Genesis of the Concept of ‘Governance’: A post-bureaucratic perspective

Ben Richardson, From a fossil fuel to a bio-based economy? Reframing the third wave of biotechnology

Huw Macartney, Neoliberalism reconstituted: the politics of the EU level crisis response

Matthias Ebenau and Hanna Al-Taher, Phoenix and Ashes: India and the Global Economic Crisis

Chris Clarke, The Constitution of the Moral Individual in Theories of Market Relations

Marc D. Froese, Towards a Narrative Theory of Political Agency

Paul Copeland, International Political Economy and European Integration: Applying Karl Polanyi’s ‘the Great Transformation’

Niheer Dasandi, Poverty Reductionism: The Exclusion of History, Politics, and Global Factors from Mainstream Poverty Analysis

Bill Paterson, Trasformismo at the World Trade Organization

Tony Heron, Aid for Trade: Towards a New Development Assistance Paradigm for Small States?

Craig P Berry, Political Economy and Ideational Analysis: Towards a Political Theory of Agency

Anastasia Nesvetailova, Liquidity Illusions in the Global Financial Architecture

Ben Richardson, The Art of Regimes: Reviving a Concept in IPE Theory

Donald MacKenzie, Producing Accounts: Finitism, Technology and Rule-Following

Lucy Ferguson, Reproductive Provisioning and ‘Everyday Life’ in Global Political Economy

Matthew Watson, Off the leash: Understanding the Dynamics of Capital Mobility in IPE

Paul Cammack, RIP IPE

Ernesto Vivares, Toward a Re-reading of the Political Economy of South America

Peadar Kirby and Mary Murphy, Ireland as a ‘competition state’

Nicola Phillips, Migration as Development Strategy? The New Political Economy of Dispossession and Inequality in the Americas

Martijn Konings, High Finance, Everyday Finance and State Capacity: A Historical Sociology of American Financial Power

Graham Harrison, The World Bank and Africa: Afterthoughts

Huw Macartney, Variegated Neoliberalism(s): Consensus and Conflict in European Financial Market Integration

Adam Sneyd, Jeffrey Sachs: Rolling Back Neo-Liberalism through Neo-Modernization

Andy Storey, The Struggle for Europe: Resistance to NeoLiberalism

Brent Boekestein and Jeffrey Henderson, Thirsty Dragon, Hungry Eagle: Oil Security in Sino-US Relations

Phoebe Moore, Selfwoven Safetynets: The Crisis of Employability and Education Policy in the Globalising South Korea

Penny Griffin, Neoliberal Economic Discourses and Hegemonic Masculinitity(ies): Masculine Hegemony (Dis)Embodied

Nicola Phillips, Migration and the New Political Economy of Inequality in the Americas (June 2005)

Jeffrey Henderson and Richard Phillips, Contradictions of Development: Social Policy, State Institutions and the ‘Stalling’ of the Malaysian Industrialisation Project

Juanita Elias, Confronting Hegemonic Masculinities: Issues of Control and Resistance in the Malaysian Factory Setting

Rorden Wilkinson, The Politics of Collapse: Development, the WTO and the Current Round of Trade Negotiations (June 2004)

Richard Phillips, Jeffrey Henderson, David Hulme and Laszlo Andor, Usurping Social Policy? National Economic Governance and Policy-Making in an Era of Globalisation (June 2004)

Ben Thirkell-White, The International Financial Architecture: Soft Law, Power and Legitimacy (June 2004)

Philip G. Cerny, Mapping Varieties of Neoliberalism (May 2004)

Tony Heron, Globalization, Regionalization and Development: The Political Economy of the North American Apparel Industry (May 2004)

Randall Germain, Finance Governance and the Public Sphere: Recent Developments (May 2004)

Christopher May, Side-stepping TRIPS: The Strategic Deployment of Free and Open Source Software in Developing Countries (May 2004)

Nicola Phillips, International Political Economy, Comparative Political Economy and the Study of Contemporary Development (May 2004)

Christopher Dent, The New Economic Bilateralism and Southeast Asia: Region-Convergent or Region-Divergent? (April 2004)

Shaun Breslin, Growth without Delvelopment: Imagining China’s Political Economy

Paul Langley, The Everyday Life of Global Finance

Nicola Phillips, Reconfiguring Subregionalism: The Political Economy of Hemispheric Regionalism in the Americas

Rorden Wilkinson, A Tale of Four Ministerials: The WTO and the rise and demise of the trade-labour standards debate

Stuart Shields, Global Restructuring and the Transnationalization of the Polish State

Christopher May, An Annotated Bibliography of Susan Strange’s Academic Publications 1949 – 1999


Webster begins this speech by offering his support for the Fugitive Slave Law. Although his Constitutional argument is logical and compelling, this position was a controversial one which cost Webster any hope he might have had of achieving the Presidency. The rest of this address is a passionate call for Union in a time when “peacable secession” was being offered by Southern states as an alternative to the Union’s problems.

Mr. President, – I wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a Northern man, but as an American, and a member of the Senate of the United States. It is fortunate that there is a Senate of the United States; a body not yet moved from its propriety, not lost to a just sense of its own dignity and its own high responsibilities, and a body to which the country looks, with confidence, for wise, moderate, patriotic, and healing counsels. It is not to be denied that we live in the midst of strong agitations, and are surrounded by very considerable dangers to our institutions and our government. The imprisoned winds are let loose. The East, the North, and the stormy South combine to throw the whole sea into commotion, to toss its billows to the skies, and disclose its profoundest depths. I do not affect to regard myself, Mr. President, as holding, or as fit to hold, the helm in this combat with the political elements; but I have a duty to perform, and I mean to perform it with fidelity, not without a sense of existing dangers, but not without hope. I have a part to act, not for my own security or safety, for I am looking out for no fragment upon which to float away from the wreck, if wreck there must be, but for the good of the whole, and the preservation of all; and there is that which will keep me to my duty during this struggle, whether the sun and the stars shall appear, or shall not appear for many days. I speak to-day for the preservation of the Union. “Hear me for my cause.” I speak to-day, out of a solicitous and anxious heart for the restoration to the country of that quiet and harmonious harmony which make the blessings of this Union so rich, and so dear to us all. These are the topics I propose to myself to discuss; these are the motives, and the sole motives, that influence me in the wish to communicate my opinions to the Senate and the country; and if I can do any thing, however little, for the promotion of thse ends, I shall have accomplished all that I expect…
Now, Sir, upon the general nature and influence of slavery there exists a wide difference of opinion between the northern portion of this country and the southern. It is said on the one side, that, although not the subject of any injunction or direct prohibition in the New Testament, slavery is a wrong; that it is founded merely in the right of the strongest; and that is an oppression, like unjust wars, like all those conflicts by which a powerful nation subjects a weaker to its will; and that, in its nature, whatever may be said of it in the modifications which have taken place, it is not accofding to the meek spirit of the Gospel. It is not “kindly affectioned”; it does not “seek another’s, and not its own”; it does not “let the oppressed go free”. These are the sentiments that are cherished, and of late with greatly augmented force, among the people of the Northern States. They have taken hold of the religious sentiment of that part of the country, as they have, more or less, taken hold of the religious feeling of a considerable portion of mankind. The South, upon the other side, having been accustomed to this relation between two races all their lives, from their birth, having been taught, in general, to treat the subjects of this bondage with care and kindness, and I believe, in general, feeling great kindness for them, have not taken the view of the subject which I have mentioned. There are thousands of religious men, with consciences as tender as any of their brethren at the North, who do not see the unlawfulness of slavery; and there are more thousands, perhaps, that whatsoever they may think of it in its origin, and as a matter depending upon natural right, yet take things as they are, and, finding slavery to be an established relation of the society in which they live, can see no way in which, let their opinions on the abstract question be what they may, it is in the power of the present generation to relieve themselves from this relation. And candor obliiges me to say, that I believe they are just as conscientious, many of them, and the religious people, all of them, as they are at the North who hold different opinions.

The honorable Senator from South Carolina [John C. Calhoun] the other day alluded to the seperation of that great religious community, the Methodist Episcopal Church. That separation was brought about by differences of opinion upon this particular subject of slavery. I felt great concern, as that dispute went on, about the result. I was in hopes that the difference of opinion might be adjusted, because I looked upon that religious denomination as one of the great props of religion and morals throughou;t the whole country, from Maine to Georgia, and westward to our utmost boundary. The result was against my wishes and against my hopes. I have read all their proceedings and all their arguments; but I have never yet been able to come to the conclusion that there was any real ground for that separation; in other words, that any good could be produced by that separation. I must say I think there was some want of candor or charity. Sir, when a question of this kind seizes on the religious sentiments of mankind, and comes to be discussed in religious assemblies of the clergy and laity, there is always to be expected, or always to be feared, a great degree of excitement. It is in the nature of man, manifested in his whole history, that religious disputes are apt to become warm in proportion to the strength of the convictions which men entertain of the magnitude of the questions at issue. In all such disputes, there will sometimes be found men with whome every thing is absolute; absolutey wrong, or absolutely right. They see the right clearly; they think others ought so to see it, and they are disposed to establish a broad line of distinction between what is right and what is wrong. They are not seldom willing to establish that line upon their own convictions of truth or justice; and are ready to mark and guard it by placing along it a series of dogmas, as lines of boundary on the earth’s surface are marked by posts and stones. There are men who, with clear perception, as they think, of their own duty, do not see how too eager a pursuit of one duty may involve them in the violation of others, or how too warm an embracement of one truth may lead to a disregard of other truths equally important. As I heard it stated strongly, not many days ago, these persons are disposed to mount upon some particular duty, as upon a war-horse, and to drive furiously on and upon and over all other duties that may stand in the way. There are men who, in reference to disputes of that sort, are of the opinion that human duties may be ascertained with the exactness of mathematics. They deal with morals as with mathematics; and they think what is right may be distinguished from what is wrong with the precision of an algebraic equation. They have, therefore, none too much charity towards others who differ from them. They are apt, too, to think that nothing is good but what is perfect, and that there are no compromises or modifiations to be made in consideration of difference of opinion or in deference to other men’s judgment. If their perspicacious vision enables them to detect a spot on the face of the sun, they think that a good reason why the sun should be struck down fro heaven. They prefer the chance of running into utter darkness to living in heavenly light, if that heavenly light be not absolutely without any imperfection. There are impatient men; too impatient always to give heed to the admonition of St. Paul, that we are not to “do evil that good may come”; too impatient to wait for the slow progress of moral causes in the improvement of mankind…

Mr. President, in the excited times in which we live, there is found to exist a state of crimination and recrimination between the North and South. There are lists of grievances produced by each; and those grievances, real or supposed, alienate the minds of one portion of the country from the other, exasperate the feelings, and subdue the sense of fraternal affection, patriotic love, and mutual regard. I shall bestow a little attention, Sir, upon these various grievances existing on the one side and on the other. I begin with complaints of the South. I will not answer, further than I have, the general statements of the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Calhoun], that the North has prospered at the expense of the South in consequence of the manner of administering this government, in the collecting of its revenues, and so forth. These are disputed topics, and I have no inclination to enter into them. But I will allude to the other complaints of the South, and especially to one which has in my opinion just foundation; and that is, that there has been found at the North, among individuals and among legislators, a disinclination to perform fully their constitutional duties in regard to the return of persons bound to service who have escaped into the free States. In that respect, the South, in my judgment, is right, and the North is wrong. Every member of every Northern legislature is bound by oath, like every other officer in the country, to support the Constitution of the United States; and the article of the Constitution which says to these States that they shall deliver up fugitives from service is as binding in honor and conscience as any other article. No man fulfills his duty in any legislature who sets himself to find excuses, evasions, escapes from this constitutional obligation. I have always thought that the Constitution addressed itself to the legislatures of the States or to the States themselves. It says that those persons escaping to other States “shall be delivered up,” and I confess I have always been of the opinion that it was an injunction upon the States themselves. When it is said that a person escaping into another State, and coming thereofre within the jurisdiction of that State, shall be delivered up, it seems to me the import of the clause is, that the State itself, in obedience to the Constitution, shall cause him to be delivered up. That is my judgment. I have always entertained that opinion, and I entertain it now. But when the subject, some years ago, was before the Supreme Court of the United States, the majority of the judges held that the power to cause fugitives from service to be delivered up was a power to be exercised under the authority of this government. I do not know, on the whole, that it may not have been a fortunate decision. My habit is to respect the result of judicial deliberations and the solemnity of judicial decisions. As it now stands, the business of seeing that these fugitives are delivered up resides in the power of Congress and the national judicature, and my friend at the head of the Judiciary Committee [James M. Mason] has a bill on the subject now before the Senate, which, with some amendments tot, I propose to support, with all its provisions, to the fullest extent. And I desire to call the attention of all sober-minded men at the North, of all conscientious men, of all men who are not carried away by some fanatical idea or some false impression, to their constitutional obligations. I put it to all the sober and sound minds at the North as a question of morals and a question of conscience. What right have they, in their legislative capacity or any other capacity, to endeavor to get round this Constitution, or to embarass the free exercise of the rights secured by the Constitution tohe persons whose slaves escape from them? None at all; none at all. Neither in the forum of conscience, nor before the face of the Constitution, are they, in my opinino, justified in such an attempt. Of course it is a matter for their consideration. They probably, in the excitement of the times, have not stopped to consider of this. They have followed what seemed to be the current of thought and of motives, as the occasion arose, and they have neglected to investigate fully the real question, and to consider their constitutional obligations; which, I am sure, if they did consider, they would fulfil with alacrity. I repeat, therefore, Sir, that here is a well-founded ground of complaint against the North, which ought to be removed, which it is now in the power of the different departments of this government to remove; which calls for the enactment of proper laws authorizing the judicature of this government, in the several States, to do all that is necessary for the recapture of fugitie slaves and for their restoration to those who claim them. Wherever I go, and whenever I speak on the subject, and when I speak here I desire to speak to the whole North, I say that the South has been injured in this respect, and has a right to complain; and the North has been too careless of what I think the Constitution peremptorily and emphaticually enjoins upon her as a duty…

Then, Sir, there are the Abolition societies, of which I am unwilling to speak, but in regard to which I have very clear notions and opinions. I do not think them useful. I think their operations for the last twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable. At the same time, I believe thousands of their members to be honest and good men, perfectly well-meaning men. They have excited feelings; they think they must do something for the cause of liberty; and, in their sphere of action, they do not see what else they can do than to contribute to an Abolition press, or an Abolition society, or to pay an Abolition lecturer. I do not mean to impute gross motives even to the leaders of these societies, but I am not blind to the consequences of their proceedings. I cannot but see what mischiefs their interference with the South has produced. And its it not plain to every man? Let any gentleman who entertains doubts on this point recur to the debates in the Virginia House of Delegates in 1832, and he will see with what freedom a proposition made by Mr. [Thomas] Jefferson Randolph for the gradual abolition of slavery was discussed in that body. Every one spoke of slavery as he thought; very ignominious and disparaging names and epithets were applied to it. The debates in the House of Delegates on that occasion, I believe, were all published. They were read by every colored man who could read, and to those who could not read, those debates were read by others. At that time Virginia was not unwilling or unafraid to discuss this question, and to let that part of her population know as much of  discussion as they could learn. That was in 1832. As has been said by the honorable member from South Carolina [Calhoun], these Abolition societies commenced their course of action in 1835. It is said, I do not know how true it may be, that they sent incendiary publications into the slave States; at any rate, they attempted to arouse, and did arouse, a very strong feeling; in other words, they created great agitation in the North against Southern slavery. Well, what was the result? The bonds of the slave were bound more firmly than before, their rivets were more strongly fastened. Public opinion, which in Virginia had begun to be exhibited against slavery, and was opening out for the discussion of the question, drew back and shut itself up in its castle. I wish tooknow whether any body in Virginia can now talk openly as Mr. Randoph, Governor [James] McDowell, and others talked in 1832 and sent their remarks to the press? We all know the fact, and we all know the cause; and every thing that these agitating people have done has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain, not to set free, but to bind faster the slave population of the South…

Mr. President, I should much prefer to have heard from every member on this floor declarations of opinion that this Union could never be dissolved, than the declaration of opinion by any body, that, in any case, under the pressure of any circumstances, such a dissolution was possible. I hear with distress and anguish the word “secession,” especially when it falls from the lips of those who are patriotic, and known to the country, and known all over the world, for their political services. Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffing the surface! Who is so foolish, I beg every body’s pardon, as to expect to see any such thing? Sir, he who sees these States, now revolving in harmony around a common centre, and expects to see them quit their places and fly off without convulsion, may look the next hour to see heavenly bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle against each other in the realms of space, without causing the wreck of the universe. There can be no such thing as peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live, covering this whole country, is it to be thawed and melted away by secession, as the snows on the mountain melt under the influence of a vernal sun, disappear almost unobserved, and run off? No, Sir! No, Sir! I will not state what might produce the disruption of the Union; but, Sir, I see as plainly as I see the sun in heaven what that disruption itself must produce; I see that it must produce war, and such a war as I will not describe, in its twofold character.

Peaceable secession! Peaceable secession! The concurrent agreement of all the members of this great republic to seperate! A voluntary separation, with alimony on one side and on the other. Why, what would be the result? Where is the line to be drawn? What States are to seceded? What is to remain American? What am I toe? An American no longer? Am I to become a sectional man, a local man, a separatist, with no country in common with the gentlemen who sit around me here, or who fill the other house of Congress? Heaven forbid! Where is the flag of the republic to remain? Where is the eagle still to tower? or ishe to cower, and shrink, and fall to the ground? Why, Sir, our ancestors, our fathers and our grandfathers, those of them that are yet living amongst us with prolonged lives, would rebuke and reproach us; and our children and our grandchildren would cry out shame upon us, if we of this generation should dishonor these ensigns of the power of the government and the harmony of that Union which is every day felt among us with so much joy and gratitude. What is to become of the army? What is to become of the navy? What is to become of the public lands? How is each of the thirty States to defend itself? I know, although the idea has not been stated distinctly, there is to be, or it is supposed possible that there will be, a Southern Confederacy. I do not mean, when I allude to this statement, that any one seriously contemplates such a state of things. I do not mean to say that it is true, but I have heard it suggested elsewhere, that the idea has been entertained, that, after the dissolution of this Union, a Southern Confederacy might be formed. I am sorry, Sir, that it has ever been thought of, talked of, or dreamed of, in the wildest flights of human imagination. But the idea, so far as it exists, must be of a separation, assigning the slave States to one side and the free States to the other. Sir, I may express myself too strongly, perhaps, but there are impossibilities in the natural as well as in the physical world, and I hold the idea of a separation of these States, those that are free to form one govenrment, and those that are slave-holding to form another, as such an impossibility. We could not separate the States by any such line, if we were to draw it. We could not sit down here to-day and draw a line of seperation that would satisfy any five men in the country. There are natural cuases that would keep and tie us together, and there are social and domestic relations which we could not break if we would, and which we should not if we could.

Sir, nobody can look over the face of this country at the present moment, nobody can see where its population is the most dense and growing, without being ready to admit, and compelled to admit, that ere long the strength of America will be in the Valley of the Mississippi. Well, now, Sir, I beg to inquire what the wildest enthusiast has to say about the possibility of cutting that river in two, and leaving free States at its source and on its branches, and slave States down near its mouth, each forming a separate government? Pray, Sir, let me say to the people of this country, that these things are worthy of their pondering and of their consideration. Here, Sir, are five millions of freemen in the free States north of the river of Ohio. Can any body suppose that this population can be severed, by a line that divides them fro the territory of a foreign and alien government, down somewhere, the Lord knows where, upon the lower banks of the Mississippi? What would become of Missouri? Will she join the arrondissement of the slave States? Shall the man from the Yellow Stone and the Platte be conncected, in the new republic, with the man who lives on the southern extremity of the Cape of Florida? Sir, I am ashamed to pursue this line of remark. I dislike it, I have an utter disgust for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and mildews, war, pestilence, and famine, than to hear gentlemen talk of secession. To break up this great government! to dismember this glorious country! to astonish Europe with an act of folly such as Europe for two centures has never beheld in any government or any people! No, Sir! no, Sir! There will be no secession! Gentlemen are not serious when they talk of secession…

And now, Mr. President, I draw these observations to a close. I have spoken freely, and I meant to do so. I have sought to make no display. I have sought to enliven the occasion by no animated discussion, nor have I attempted any train of elaborate argument. I have wished only to speak my sentiments, fully and at length, being desirous, once and for all, to let the Senate know, and to let the country know ,the opinions and sentiments which I entertain on all these subjects. These opinions are not likely to be suddenly changed. If there be any future service that I can render to the country, consistently with these sentiments and opinions, I shall cheerfully render it. If there be not, I shall still be glad to have had an opportunity to disburden myself from the bottom of my heart, and to make known every political sentiment that therein exists.

And now, Mr. President, instead of speaking of the possibility or utility of secession, instead of dwelling in those caverns of darkness, instead of groping with those ideas so full of all that is horrid and horrible, let us come out into the light of day; let us enjoy the fresh air of Liberty and Union; let us cherish those hopes whichÊbel¿ng to us; let us devote ourselves to those great objects that are fit for our consideration and action; let us raise our conceptions to the magnitude and the importance of the duties that devolve upon us; let our comprehension be as broad as the country for which we act, our asperations as high as its certain destiny; let us not be pigmies in a case that calls for men. Never did there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than now devolve upon us, for the preservation of this Constitution and the harmony and peace of all who are destined to live under it. Let us make our generation one of the strongest and brightest links in that golden chain which is destined, I fondly believe, to grapple the people of all the States to this Constitution for ages to come. We have a great, popular, constitutional government, guarded by law and by judicature, and defended by the affections of the whole people. No monarchical throne presses these States together, no iron chain of military power encircles them; they live and stand under a government popular in its form, representative in its character, founded upon principles of equality, and so constructed, we hope, as to last for ever. In all its history it has been beneficent; it has trodden down no man’s liberty; it has crushed no State. Its daily respiration is liberty and patriotism; its yet youthful veins are full of enterprise, courage, and honorable love of glory and renown. Large before, the country has noe, by recent events, become vastly larger. This republic now extends, with a vast breadth, across the whole continent. The two great seas of the world wash the one and the other shore. We realize, on a mighty scale, the beautiful description of the ornamental border of the buckler of Achilles: –

“Now, the broad shield completed, the artist crowned With his last hand, and poured the ocean round; In living silver seemed the waes to roll, And beat the bucklers verge, and bound the whole.”

Providence Hall Guesthouses

Staying at the Providence Hall Guesthouses in Williamsburg, Virginia

If you are making plans for a vacation in Williamsburg, Virginia, and are looking for the greatest in luxury and convenience, then the Providence Hall Guesthouses are a perfect place to stay. These guest rooms are incredibly spacious with a king size bed or pair of double beds, along with queen size sleeping couches, meaning you have plenty of room for all of your family or group. All rooms are equipped with TVs, free wi-fi internet and plenty of other helpful features like an iron and coffee maker.

All of the rooms feature either a balcony or patio that gives you some private outdoor space to enjoy the natural beauty of the Virginia countryside, while still being conveniently based close to all of the Williamsburg Revolutionary City attractions and amenities, including the great restaurants and shops and the museums. Rooms are decorated in a modern style, with a slight oriental feel in some of the decorations and artwork, giving your stay in Colonial Williamsburg a crisp contemporary feel.

When you stay at the Providence Hall Guesthouses you also have access to all of the facilities at the nearby Williamsburg Lodge, which is also where you check in. This includes an excellent a la carte restaurant and bar, as well as a heated outdoor pool, a well equipped gym and facilities for bicycle hire. You can also use the luxurious spa and the excellent golf club by appointment.

You can book your stay at the Providence Hall Guesthouses by visiting the official website, which is also the best place to go to check prices and availability. All rooms are non smoking, and there are wheelchair accessible rooms available. If you have any queries or special requirements relating to your stay, you can call the Providence Hall Guesthouses on (757) 220-7978 or 1-800-447-8679.

Williamsburg Woodlands Hotel

Staying at the Williamsburg Woodlands Hotel and Suites in Williamsburg, Virginia

Every year, visitors from all over the country and even the world flock to historic Williamsburg, virginia to see the 18th century come to life in this charming colonial town. As well as offering plenty to do in terms of learning more about revolutionary times and American history with its excellent museums and recreations of colonial life, Williamsburg is an excellent place to stay if you also want to visit world class theme parks and water parks, with Busch Gardens and Water Country USA close by.

To get the most out of your time here, it is great to stay in one of the fantastic accommodation options in Williamsburg itself, and Williamsburg Woodlands is an excellent choice if you want spacious, comfortable rooms or suites and plenty of amenities that will make your vacation a real delight. Right next to the Williamsburg Regional Visitor Center, this family friendly accommodation boasts beautiful rooms with all mod cons, including free internet, as well as great leisure facilities. In summer, you can relax and enjoy the outdoor heated swimming pool, get a treatment at the spa, rent a bicycle and explore Williamsburg, or enjoy a round of golf on one of the championship 18 hole courses that are available to people staying at this resort. You can also eat and drink at the great restaurants and taverns you’ll find very close to your hotel.

To check availability and prices for the size of suite you need at the time you are hoping to visit, check out the official website for the Williamsburg Woodlands at their website where you can also make your reservation. You can also find out more about this excellent place to stay by calling them on (757) 253-2277 or using the toll free number 1-800-447-8679.

Williamsburg Lodge

Staying at the Williamsburg Lodge in Williamsburg, Virginia

Williamsburg, Virginia is a world class American tourist destination that offers you plenty to see and do. The main draw is of course the charming 18th Century Revolutionary City, with its fantastic museums, tours, shops and places to visit, and if you want to fully get the best out of your vacation here, then it really pays off to stay in one of the six official Williamsburg accommodation options. The Williamsburg Lodge is one of the luxury options when it comes to lodgings within Williamsburg itself, and is the perfect place to check in if you want to enjoy the classical period feel while also having the absolute best in luxury, service and facilities.

All of the rooms in the Williamsburg Lodge are generously sized with luxurious bathrooms, and are decorated in a charming folk art style with comfortable leather sofas, coordinated upholstery and a cozy feel that really fits with the Revolutionary City. Of course, you still get all of the modern conveniences you would expect from a premium hotel, including complimentary wireless internet throughout the Lodge, a TV and other in room facilities like a coffee maker and iron.

The Lodge has its own stunning restaurant, and you are also within easy walking distance of the great dining facilities and taverns of Williamsburg itself, as well as all of the other great attractions like the museums. You are also given full access to Williamsburg’s excellent spa and golf courses, as well as being able to use the large heated pool and make use of bicycle hire.

If you would like to stay at this charming Lodge, then the easiest way to check the availability for your dates, get prices and make your reservation is at their website. If you have any special requirements or other questions, you can also contact the Williamsburg Lodge on (757) 220-7976 | 1-800-447-8679.

Williamsburg Inn

Staying at the Williamsburg Inn in Williamsburg, Virginia

If you are planning a vacation in charming colonial Williamsburg, Virginia, and are looking for accommodation that will offer you a true taste of luxury, then the Williamsburg Inn is a fantastic option. Located within the Revolutionary City itself, and a short walk from all of the fantastic attractions, museums, restaurants and shops that you’ll want to take in, this high end hotel will give you the perfect place to relax and unwind when you aren’t off exploring, and also has a wealth of great facilities.

The regency style rooms you can stay in at the Williamsburg Inn are designed to create an opulent ambiance with stunning floor length drapes, exquisite marble bathroom suites including both a shower and a deep tub to soak in, and beautiful furnishings. You get all of the conveniences you would expect like high speed complimentary internet and TV, as well as extra luxury features like plush bathrobes and slippers. You can also add all kinds of special extras to make your stay even more enjoyable, like strawberries, chocolates and wine or luxury spa packages.

During your stay, you have the use of the stunning outdoor heated pool, the gold club which features several championship 18 hole golf courses, the world class spa and bicycle hire for when you want to get out and explore the city. There is also a well equipped fitness center and great bars and restaurants. This is the ideal place to spend your Williamsburg vacation if you want to treat yourself as well as having a convenient location from which to visit all of the fascinating and fun local attractions.

To find out more about the Williamsburg Inn, including availability and pricing for your stay, you can call (757) 253-2277 or toll free on 1-800-447-8679, or visit their official website (where you can also book) at their website.

Governor’s Inn in Williamsburg,VA

Staying at the Governor’s Inn in Williamsburg, Virginia

If you are planning a vacation in the historic, fascinating city of Williamsburg, Virginia, then staying at one of the six excellent hotels, inns or lodges in the heart of Colonial Williamsburg itself is the best way to keep yourself at the heart of everything you want to see and do. The Governor’s Inn is the budget option of Williamsburg’s official accommodation, offering pleasant rooms and a continental style breakfast at an economy price.

The Governor’s Inn is a great choice for families, so if you are looking for a suite you can share with your kids or need separate rooms for teens, then you can find great deals that will give everyone the space they need at a reasonable price. As well as your room, you also get access to the outdoor pool, and can use Williamsburg’s fantastic spa and golf club if you make a booking with the hotel.

Situated close to the heart of the Williamsburg Revolutionary City, staying here will give you fast and easy access on foot to all of the great museums, restaurants, historical attractions, shops and walks, as well as being a good base to stay at if you are also planning to go out to other great local sites of interest or attractions like Yorktown, Jamestown and Busch Gardens. If you want great value family accommodation in a convenient location with plenty of great amenities, The Governor’s Inn is the ideal place to book you Williamsburg, Virginia getaway.

To find out more about the Governor’s Inn and check availability for the dates you are looking at visiting, check out the website at here. This will also give you pricing information for the size of room you want for the dates you want it. You can also call the hotel on (757) 253-2277 or toll free on 1-800-447-8679 if you have any special requirements or other inquiries.